On May 18, the interim Taliban administration in Afghanistan announced that it had replaced caretaker Prime Minister Mullah Mohammad Hasan Akhund with his deputy, Maulvi Abdul Kabir. Akhund had been ill for some time and was unable to perform his duties.
The appointment of Kabir, who is from the Pashtun Zadran tribe and played a key role in the negotiation of the 2020 Doha agreement with the US, is said to be a routine process, but its timing is important and should be read carefully, especially in the West.
The announcement came after growing international dismay at Taliban orders that limit girls’ education and prevent women from working. This change in leadership can be seen as a positive development and a sign of willingness on the part of the Taliban to open up.
Pride may stand in the way of a drastic change in policy, but a desire to change course can be read in the Taliban making small but important steps toward incremental change.
For example, the recent decision by Herat authorities to allow several middle and high schools to reopen for girls is a step forward. Kabir may do more soon by lifting the ban on women working in the humanitarian field, considering that there are exceptions in the health sector and for some important NGOs.
In the past, when the Taliban showed willingness to engage with the international community, foreign leaders failed to seize the opportunity. They must not make the same mistake again.
In considering the response to this strategic move by the Taliban, the international community would be well advised to consider several points.
First, from the Taliban’s point of view, the appointment of Akhund as acting prime minister in 2021 is inevitable. It is intended to symbolize the continuity of the previous Taliban regime of 1996-2001, where he occupied various ministerial positions.
Also, as one of the most conservative of the Taliban leaders, Akhund undoubtedly played a role in assuring his rank and file, especially those from the countryside, that the movement will not abandon its values now that the war is over.
Feeling more confident on the domestic front and in their ability to govern without serious opposition, the Taliban appear ready for a greater level of openness and dialogue with the outside world. Kabir’s teaching is a reflection of this openness.
Second, the Taliban must have learned a thing or two as a result of its isolation over the past two years. Above all, its leaders have certainly observed that in our interconnected world, the concept of absolute sovereignty is difficult to apply, especially in a country on the verge of a major humanitarian crisis.
The adoption of strict attitudes in the name of protecting sovereignty against the international community, including countries willing to help Afghanistan. A case in point is the Taliban’s position in the management of Kabul Airport.
The Taliban government, led by Akhund, was determined to have full control over the commercial activities and security of the airport, and therefore, ended up accepting an offer from the UAE, which agreed to its demands. A year later, regional and international airlines, including those owned by the UAE, no longer continue flights to Kabul, and the airport continues to be in bad shape, because the Taliban authorities failed to manage it properly.
Third, the appointment of Kabir shows a significant shift from the traditional rigid decision-making of the Taliban to a more contemporary “Taliban 2.0” that is more open to dialogue.
It also shows the importance that the Doha Agreement holds for the Taliban as a point of reference for future talks with the international community on issues of security and inclusivity. Although on the face of it, the Taliban refuses any form of dialogue with other Afghans, the group has not stopped participating.
One initiative that seeks to promote dialogue with the Taliban is the Afghanistan Future Thought Forum (AFTF), led by Ms Fatima Gailani, an Afghan politician and former negotiator. It has convened six times, bringing together leading Afghan figures from various ethnic communities, professions and political persuasions. Away from the media spotlight, the forum has quietly changed the attitudes of Taliban and opposition participants.
Finally, it is important to recognize that the political crisis in Pakistan, which could spill over into Afghanistan and the recent developments on the Afghanistan-Iran border on water rights could devastate the region, if no action is taken made. If Afghanistan becomes a party to a conflict, it will have major ramifications for the region and beyond. It is in the world’s interest that Afghanistan remains stable and peaceful with its neighbors.
Therefore, the international community should not waste this opportunity, to debate whether a change in premiership is a sufficient sign that the Taliban is ready to change its domestic and foreign policy. This, in fact, is a clear signal that there is room for partnership.
The West should reach out to the Taliban and show a willingness to negotiate the lifting of sanctions and the gradual reintroduction of development aid. Such engagement is essential to prevent one of the worst humanitarian crises in decades and a new conflict ravaging the region.
The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial stance of Al Jazeera.
