That pragmatism was on full display during Europe’s energy crisis, as Habeck was forced to accept uncomfortable compromises. When Russia cut off gas supplies flowing to Germany, Habeck ordered the country’s coal stations back into service. When the utility company RWE asked to extract coal from under the western German village of Lützerath, arguing that it was necessary to keep the lights on in Germany, Habeck agreed. In return, RWE must end the use of coal eight years earlier than planned, in 2030.
Activists do not consider this a worthy compromise. “I was shocked,” said Theo Schnarr, a PhD student and environmental activist based in the city of Greifswald. “The charcoal in that area is enough to burn our entire CO2 budget.” Watching Lützerath’s videos, Schnarr said he understood their frustration. He was also very sad. But Lützerath made it mostly clear what he felt was disillusionment with mainstream politics — whichever party was in charge. “Lützerath makes many points very clearly,” he said. “Policymakers don’t make decisions for the people, but for the industry.”
The 32-year-old is one of a growing number of activists who have forced themselves onto roads across the country—causing controversy and miles of traffic. He has only been an environmental activist for a year and has already spent 10 days in prison for blocking roads. “We point out in our protests that our government is not able to deal with this crisis,” said Schnarr, who belongs to the environmental group Last Generation, a group that was formed in Germany at the same time that the Green Party entered the government. “Scientists tell us that we have about three years to put in place effective actions,” Schnarr said. It means that he considers the government that is in power now as the country’s last chance to act.
When Green parties enter government, it’s common to see environmental groups radicalize in response, said Daniel Saldivia Gonzatti, a protest researcher at the Berlin Social Science Center, a research institute. “The Last Generation [protest group] formed as a result of the Green Party’s success in getting into government, because today only a radical environmental movement like them can actually push a radical pro-environmental agenda further.
Since the Finnish Green Party became the first European Green Party to enter a European government in 1995, green parties have transformed from radical outsiders to government mainstays. They are already in the coalition of six EU countries: Austria, Belgium, Finland, Germany, Republic of Ireland, and Luxembourg.
“The greens as important coalition partners have become an increasingly dominant story in European politics,” said Mitya Pearson, who researches environmental politics at King’s College London. Germany’s Green politicians are not the only ones forced to make decisions that alienate environmentalists. Austria’s Green energy minister Leonore Gewessler also proposed replacing Russian gas with coal to get through the winter—a proposal rejected by a majority in parliament. In January, traffic in Vienna also came to a standstill as activists blocked roads for two weeks — threatening more protests if the government did nothing to combat the climate crisis.
Tensions between green parties and activists are likely to continue as part of green party coalitions across Europe, Pearson said. “The question is how pragmatic you are [activists] ready to be,” he said. “Will they allow some pragmatic decisions on energy policy if the greens can show that they are facilitating climate policy in other ways?”
Dresen, the activist, says he’s not against compromises—but he’s against the party attacking backroom deals with fossil fuel companies. “The main problem is that we don’t have a green opposition,” he said. Without it, activists fulfill that role themselves, meaning under the Green government climate protests are likely to intensify—not diminish. It’s the protester’s job to keep pushing, Gonzatti said. “The environmental movement never says, okay, well, this is enough.”
This article first appeared in the May/June 2023 edition of WIRED UK